My wife reckons that if I had been alive in 1893, I probably
would have opposed women getting the vote.
Ouch. That’s a bit harsh. I would, of course, prefer to
think it’s not true – but how can I be sure? It’s unknowable.
I have never thought of myself as sexist; quite the reverse.
The people I most admire and respect have been strong women. I have never
identified with the Kiwi bloke culture that thinks women should be kept in
their place, whether it be the kitchen or the bedroom.
But as I say, who knows? My thinking has been conditioned by
a century of liberal democracy. Attitudes were different in the 1890s and had I
lived then, I might intuitively have been against such a radical change in the
established order as votes for women.
My wife’s accusation arose in the context of Louisa Wall’s
same-sex marriage bill. She supported it; I didn’t.
I didn’t exactly lie awake at night burning with rage over
the bill, but it would be fair to say I was uncomfortable about
it. I’m cautious by nature. I believe there are often good reasons why society
has evolved the way it has over thousands of years and that we need to think
very carefully before giving way to the fashionable impulse of the moment.
So, had I been an MP, I would almost certainly have lined up
with those voting against the bill. But at the same time I could see that the
arguments from the other side were hard to counter.
I realise too that human civilisation can’t always be relied
upon to evolve in desirable ways, and that sometimes the status quo has to be
overturned for society to progress.
There was a time when slavery was accepted as part of the
natural order, and the brave minority who challenged it were seen as dangerous
radicals. But who would now question the moral correctness of William
Wilberforce and his followers?
The same could be said of any number of issues that once
polarised conservatives and liberals, but which have now been settled.
To conservative white American southerners in the 1950s and
60s, civil rights for black people were unthinkable. Even more recently, white
supremacists tried to justify the subjugation and oppression of the majority
black population in South Africa. Anyone proclaiming such views today would
rightly be regarded as some sort of Neanderthal.
Does same-sex marriage fall into the same category? We don’t
know. To use a cliché, the jury is out.
Either we have made an awful mistake, or future generations will look back in
bemusement and wonder what all the fuss was about.
In his inaugural address in 2009, President Barack Obama – a
man who, because of his skin colour, would have been able to enter the White
House only as a cleaner or butler if society had stood still – used the phrase
“the wrong side of history” to describe those who are left behind by the
currents of change.
Will people who opposed same-sex marriage be regarded in
future as having been on the wrong side of history? It’s possible.
My wife’s accusation (it was a joke, but she was making a
serious point) caused me to reflect on whether I’d stood on the wrong or the
right side of history on other causes.
The first issue that came to mind was the decriminalisation
of homosexuality in 1986. Although I didn’t march in the streets or attend
rallies opposing it, I admit I was uncomfortable with that change too, which
may seem extraordinary now.
Was I on the wrong side of history? Undoubtedly. I suspect
hardly anyone now would seriously argue that homosexual acts should be treated
as criminal. But at the time, it seemed a very big leap and the country was
torn. The legislation eventually passed by only 49 votes to 44.
It would be unfair to characterise all opponents of Fran
Wilde’s ground-breaking bill in 1986 as knuckle-dragging troglodytes, just as it was wildly
inaccurate to portray those opposed to same-sex marriage (as National MP
Maurice Williamson did) as bigots and religious fundamentalists.
On other issues, my record is mixed. I opposed the Vietnam War
and the 1981 Springbok tour, which probably puts me on the right side of
history.
I broadly supported the radical economic reforms of the
1980s, although I recall being apprehensive about the sheer scale and speed of
the changes. Like many New Zealanders, I was probably so accustomed to
living in an over-regulated society that the prospect of being liberated from
all those suffocating state controls seemed almost scary. East Germans must
have experienced a similar sensation when they were reunited with the West.
Here again I believe I was on the right side of history.
What was then considered radical policy is now accepted as mainstream, although
the Left continues to fight a dogged campaign of resistance. (Helen Clark pandered to the Left by referring to the failed reforms of the 1980s, but strangely left them intact.)
Nuclear weapons were the other great defining issue of that
era, and while some anti-nuclear rhetoric verged on hysterical, I believed New
Zealand was entitled to take the stand it did. In the end, it became a matter
of asserting our right to chart our own course and resist bullying by bigger
powers. That’s another tick for the “right side of history” box.
On some current issues we just don’t know who’s right and
who’s wrong. The climate change debate, for instance, is so ideologically
charged that it’s virtually impossible to distinguish propaganda from reliable
science.
Treaty settlements? Those who support them may yet turn out
to be on the right side of history, provided settlement money is wisely used to
raise Maori achievement levels, lift Maori out of poverty and contribute to
economic growth. Ngai Tahu seems to be on the right track. But scepticism will persist if settlement proceeds are used to
promote separatism and enhance the standing and power of tribal elites, as too
often seems to be the case.
On the current issue of paid parental leave, it strikes me as
contradictory that when so much has been done in the past 30 years to roll back
the state’s intrusion into people’s lives, there is mounting pressure for it to
assume the role of a super-parent.
On that issue too I’m sure to be seen as a social dinosaur,
stubbornly resistant to progress. But at least my wife agrees with me.
Karl, regarding your point, quote:
ReplyDelete"... that when so much has been done in the past 30 years to roll back the state’s intrusion into people’s lives ..."
How on earth do you draw that conclusion?
I may have overstated things slightly, but I think most people would agree we are a far less regulated society now than we were in the early 1980s.
ReplyDeleteKarl, I think your disquiet at the homosexual law reform that took place more than 30 years ago was justified. If the gay community were satisfied at decriminalisation, as they said they would be at the time, then all would have been well.
ReplyDeleteUnfortunately, it was just the beginning as many of us suspected. We now have a situation where gay rights trump virtually all other rights as the guest house owners the Ruskin's are about to find out when they face the wrath of the Orwellian HRC. You can be sure that their right to determine who they rent their spare bedroom to will not be considered.
Their best hope is to claim that they are Muslims and their religion demands that homosexuals be stoned to death. Consequently they refused them accommodation for their own protection.
To make any claim on behalf of Christian conscience would be laughable and doomed to failure.
Mark Hubbard : Perhaps you don't recall when you were unable to travel overseas and spend what you wanted, you had a limit on each day's spending. When you couldn't get a phone for at least six months. There were countless limits and intrusions into people's lives - no doubt all done -'for your own good of course'. It was a highly regulated society. You have to be at least 50 to truly recall the true extent of it. In many ways I agree with Karl but I never really saw the anti nuclear thing as anything but a gesture and one the Labour government of the time never really believed in-just a titbit to toss the restless left of the party.
ReplyDelete" Even more recently, white supremacists tried to justify the subjugation and oppression of the majority black population in South Africa."
ReplyDeleteHere we go again - the man who knows practically bugger all about South Africa and it's people, makes another judgement.
Give us an example Karl?
The whites landed and colonized South Africa in 1652, so please don't pretend that you can teach us anything about race relations.