(First published in The Dominion Post, May 17.)
THE TEAM of Key and English may go down as one of the more
effective political partnerships of modern times.
John Key is the schmoozer, the salesman. His incorrigibly sunny
disposition infuriates a lot of people, who see it as smarmy and ingratiating.
But it’s hard to argue with his poll ratings, which have held up
extraordinarily well after one and a half terms during which the government has
had to grapple with one crisis after another.
With the passage of time, Mr Key has also demonstrated an
increasing command of policy detail, something that eluded him in the early
days of his prime ministership.
Bill English is the dour Southlander doing the hard graft
behind the scenes. While Captain Key is up on the bridge waving reassuringly to
the passengers, chief engineer English is down below shovelling coal into the
boilers.
He’s not as relaxed in the public eye and lacks his boss’s charisma.
He had an unhappy time as National leader (the party suffered its worst-ever
electoral defeat on his watch), but seems to have found his niche as
Minister of Finance.
History may view him as a safe pair of hands – to use a classically
understated New Zealand compliment – during a turbulent period that called for
steady nerves.
While media attention was focused on political scrub fires –
the Dotcom saga, the GCSB, Novopay, the whiffy Sky City deal, Mighty River
Power – New Zealand has quietly been winning international regard for the way
it has weathered the global financial crisis.
Only this week, both the International Monetary Fund and
credit ratings agency Standard and Poor’s endorsed the government’s economic approach.
S and P places us among the world’s 10 least risky economies.
There’s definitely a sense that we’ve turned the corner. Economic
growth is gathering speed and unemployment is starting to fall. It seems ironic
that this should happen just as Australia, which seemed to sail through the GFC
almost unscathed, is being battered by severe head winds.
The great migration across the ditch (which National
promised to halt, but didn’t) may soon start to reverse itself as the Lucky Country
battens down the hatches.* * *
OF COURSE the economic purists will find much to complain
about in the Budget. Voter bribes such as interest-free student loans and
Working for Families, introduced by Labour, remain in place.
These are a continuing affront to people who insist that a
centre-right party should have no truck with such policies. The arguments here
are uncannily similar to those in Britain, where the Conservative Party is
locked into a coalition government with the Liberal Democrats and finds itself shackled
by policies that run counter to classic principles of economic liberalism.
National abandoned ideological purity decades ago,
recognising that it was no way to win elections. Keith Holyoake created the
pragmatist legacy of which Mr Key is the perfect inheritor. The Key formula is
to do whatever works and whatever wins elections.
It’s a style of politics that the late Margaret Thatcher,
the ultimate conviction politician, had no time for. But in the MMP era, when
compromise and deal-making are the keys to political survival, the purists just
have to learn to live with it.* * *
AS ALWAYS in the days leading up to the Budget, a parade of professional
supplicants shuffled forward this week with begging bowls extended.
All the usual suspects lined up in the media, demanding that
the government throw more money at the worthy causes du jour. One modest goal urged
on the government was the elimination of poverty – surely something any finance
minister with a social conscience should be able to achieve at a stroke.
Other items on the wish list included thousands more state
houses, breakfasts for starving schoolchildren and free bariatric surgery,
which the medical profession tells us is essential if we’re to avoid a
“tsunami” of obesity-induced diabetes.
On Radio New Zealand’s Morning
Report, I heard one advocate for the poor saying it wasn’t enough to
provide free breakfasts for kids from decile 1 and 2 schools. The government
had a responsibility, he pronounced, to feed all schoolchildren.
On the same programme a housing activist, while grudgingly
conceding that the government was on the right track by increasing housing
capacity, made it clear that whatever was announced in the Budget would be
hopelessly inadequate.
Most striking, as usual, was what went unmentioned.
No one thought to say where the money would come from. Too
difficult. Perhaps they think it’s magically conjured out of the air rather
than generated by taxpayers, which first requires a prosperous economy.
And no one made any reference to where individual responsibility
– as in making sure children are fed before going to school, or saying no to
that extra litre of ice cream – sits in their view of the perfect world.
1 comment:
Karl
A couple of facts for you and your readers to digest.
2012 the total PAYE tax take was $21B dollars.
2012 total welfare spend was $21B dollars.
Every cent gathered from working taxpayers at source, was transfereed to another New Zealander by way of a welfare payment.
GST and Corporate tax funded health, education, defence, criminal justice etc.
Reference:
http://www.treasury.govt.nz/budget/forecasts/befu2012/060.htm
We are so deeply immersed in welfareism that it has changed the national conversation immesurably, probably beyond recovery.
Not surprising then that any handout is considered insufficient to meet the demands of the socialists.
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